τά ματαία

Month: October 2012

  • Chronicles From the City Founding of Livius Titus, Book I

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    We skip chapters 22, 23, and 24. The new king Tullus Hostilius hastens to pick a quarrel with the Albans. Death of Cluilius. His successor as Alban leader confers with Tullus. The war is to be decided by a combat between the Horatii and the Curiatii.

    Chapter 25

    The combat and its results.

    With the treaty struck, the triplets, just as had been agreed, took up their arms. When, from both sides, their men encouraged that the ancestral gods, the fatherland and their parents, whoever of the citizens of their home, whoever was in the army, all looked upon the arms of those men, the hands of those men, ferocious and in their nature and filled with the voices of those encouraging them, they proceed to the centre between the two battle-lines. The two armies had seated on either side, more free from imminent danger than from care : for truly the sovereignty was at stake, placed in the virtue and fortune of so few. And so accordingly, therefore, raised up and suspended, for the least pleasing spectacle, they are set aflame by the spirit. The signal is given, with weapons drawn, just as three battle-lines each, the young men ran together, displaying the high-spirits of great armies. And neither to these men nor to those was their danger, the public, sovereignty, or slavery present in their minds, nor that future fortune of the subsequent fatherland, which they themselves would make. As at the first immediate rush their arms clashed, quivering, and their swords glittered, a great horror chilled the spectators, and with hope inclining to neither side, voice and breath fall torpid. And then, joined in hand-to-hand fighting, once when there was not only movement of bodies and wavering motion of the spears and arms, but also wounds and blood for the spectacle, two Romans, one over the other, with three Albans wounded, breathed their last and tumbled down. At the occurrence of which, cum the Alban army cried out for joy, all hope but not yet all care deserted the Roman levies, breathless in the turn of one man whom three Curiatii surrounded. By chance he was unwounded, as alone he was by no means a match for the whole, thus he was ferocious, opposing each singly. Therefore, so that he might divide their battle he seizes upon flight, having reckoned thus that they would follow so that their body might be afflicted by the wound which each had taken. Once he had fled a considerable amount of space from where he was fought, when looking back, he saw that they followed at a great intervals, one hardly far away from him. To him he returned with a great assault ; and while the Alban army cried out to the Curiatii to bear aid for their brother, Horatius, victor, his enemy slain, was already seeking a second fight. Then by a clamor, as is wont of an unexpected favouring, the Romans give aid to their soldier ; and he hastens to finish off the battle. And so prior to the third, who was not far off, he was able to press after, and he dispatches the next Curiatus. And now, with Mars made equal, single men survived, but neither in hope nor in strength were they a match. The one man, his body untouched by iron and a twin victory gave ferocity to a third contest ; the other, dragging his body wearied by a wound, wearied by the chase, and conquered by the slaughter of his brothers before him cast himself before the enemy victor. This was no battle. The Roman, exulting, said, “Two brothers I gave to the shades ; whose third by reason of war, so that the Roman may command the Alban, I shall now give.” And upon a man poorly holding fast his arms, he drives down his sword to the throat, he despoils what lies there. The Romans received Horatius, rejoicing and congratulating him, with that greater joy which is for a matter that was so close to dread. From there they turned to the burial of their own, by no means in equal spirits, for truly some were exalted to rule, others made property of foreign dominion. Sepulchres still stand at the place where each fell, two Roman at one place nearer Alba, three Alban facing Rome, but distant from the place where the fight was.

    Chapter 26

    Horatius slays his sister. He is condemned, but later acquitted.

    Before they departed from there, with Mettius asking from the treaty struck what he ordered, Tullus orders that the youth take up arms : he would use their services if there was war with the Veiens. Thus the army was led away from there for home. Horatius went at the head, bearing the triple spoils before himself. In this way his virgin sister, who was betrothed to one of the Curiatii, was in the way before the Capene gate, and once she recognizes over his shoulders the soldier’s cloak of her betrothed, which she herself had made, she loosens her locks, and tearfully calls by name her dead betrothed. The lamentation of his sister during his victory and so much public display of joy riles the spirit in the ferocious young man. His sword unsheathed even while rebuking her he pierces the girl. “Get away from here with your untimely love for your betrothed,” he says, “You have forgotten your own dead brothers and the living, you have forgotten your fatherland. Thus let it be for any Roman woman who mourned an enemy.” This act was seen as savage by the fathers and the plebs : but his recent service stood in contrast to the deed. Nevertheless he was taken to trial before the king. The king, so that he himself would not be the author of a sad trial, displeasing to the commons, and following the trial, a punishment, having summoned a council of the people, said, “I appoint Duumviri, who shall judge Horatius for high treason, according to the law.” The law was of a dreadful chord, “The Duumviri shall judge high treason : if it should be appealed from the Duumviri, let him contend the appeal : if they defeat it, let them cover the head, let them hang him from a barren tree by rope ; let them flog him whether within the city boundary or without the city boundary.” By this law the Duumviri were appointed, who did not reason that it be possible to acquit anyone by that law, not even an innocent, when the other of these two said, “Publius Horatius, I judge you guilty of high treason. Lictor, go bind his hands.” The lictor approached him and were affixing the noose. Then Horatius said to his advisor, Tullus, the merciful interpreter of the law, “I appeal.” Thus, by the appeal, he contended against the people. Men were stirred most in that trial by P. Horatius proclaiming that he judged his daughter killed by the law : were it not so, he would have attended to his son by ancestral right. Then he begged that they not make him, whom they had beheld only just prior with outstanding offspring, bereft of children. Among these the old man embraced the youth, and pointing to the spoils of the Curiatii affixed at that place which is now called the Horatian Column, he said, “This man, whom, you have seen trophy-laden in this way, exulting, marching in victory, Quirites, are you able to see him bound under the yoke, amidst whips and tortures? This hideous spectacle, even the eyes of the Albans could scarcely bear it. Go, lictor, bind those hands which only just prior having taken up arms brought forth an imperium for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of the liberator of this city ; hang him from the barren tree ; whip him, whether within the city boundary, almost amidst the javelins and spoils of the enemy, or outside the boundary, almost amidst sepulchres of the Curiatii ; for where can you lead this young man where his own glories would not vindicate him of this foul mockery of punishment?” The people did not bear either the tears of the father or the spirit of the man himself, equal to any danger, and they absolved him more in admiration of his virtue than for the justice of his cause. And thus so that the flagrant slaughter would nevertheless be atoned for by some appeasement,  the father was ordered that the son expiate his guilt from the public fund. He once certain propitiary sacrifices were made, which afterward were passed down to the tribe of Horatius, by setting a little beam across the street, just as the young man was put under the yoke. This too remains today, always publicly repaired ; they call it the little beam of the sisters. The sepulchre for Horatia, at the place where she was struck and fell, is constructed from hewn stone.

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  • Thucydides’ History, Book 6

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    Chapter 22

    “Thus it seems to me that we must bring many hoplites, both our own and those of our allies, and our subjects too, and if we can either persuade some of the Peloponessians to be brought along or by pay, and many bowmen and slingers too, so that we might hold out against the cavalry of the men there, and we must surpass in ships by much, so that we may readily bring in supplies, both provisions from here in merchantmen, and grains and roasted barley, and bring also paid millers, conscripted proportionately out of the mill-houses, so that if we are in any way cut off without access to sail, the army will have supplies (for since it will be so large, it will not be the part of every city to welcome it), and all the rest, so much as it is possible to have at hand, and not be dependent on others, especially wealth from here, as much as we have. That from the Egestaioi, which is said to be at hand there, believe that too mainly at hand in word alone.”

    Chapter 23

    “For if we ourselves should go from here not only prepared as an even match, except with respect to their effective force, the hoplite, but even exceeding all of them, we would yet be scarcely able to prevail over them, and also perservere. It is necessary to consider that to go, having settled city amidst foreign and hostile tribes, it behooves those men to prevail over the land staightaway, in the first day in which they occupy, or to know that, if they are thrown down, they shall have everyone as an enemy. And I, fearing this very thing, and knowing that there is a great need for us to plan well, and still even more to be fortunate (a difficult thing, being mortals), that I wish to sail handing myself over to fortune as little as possible, to sail away sure-footed in preparation for likely events. For in the whole city, I believe these things the most constant and the deliverance for those going off to war for you. If anyone thinks otherwise, I’ll resign the command to him.”

    Chapter 24

    Such did Nicias say, believing either that he turned the Athenians away by the magnitude of the affair, or, if they should be forced to go to war, they would be on especially sure footing to sail ; but the covetousness for the voyage was not removed by the troublesomeness of the preparation, and most desired it more still, and thus it came round opposite for him ; for he seemed to advise them well, that the matters would indeed now be on much sure footing. And love fell upon them all alike to sail away ; for to the older men it was either that they would subdue those places they were sailing upon or that their great power would never be thrown down, and for those in their youth, they yearned to face the far-off and behold it, and they were in good hope that they would be saved ; and the mighty crowd and the soldier among those present, that they would have silver and acquire power for themselves whence there would always be wages. Such that, due to the enthusiasm of the greater number, even if the desire was not pleasing to someone, alarmed lest he, by voting against, seemed to be ill-disposed toward the city, he kept his peace.

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  • Thucydides’ History, Book 6

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    Chapter 20

    “Since, in all ways, I see that you, good Athenians, are eager to go to war, may it turn out just as we wish, and I shall indicate what I know concerning the present matter. The cities, or so I perceive by listening, we intend to go forth against are large and not the subjects of any others, nor are they in need of change, as of someone out of an enforced bondage would be fond of dwelling, well-pleased, in an easier migration, likewise naturally for our rule in place of a well-received freedom, and with respect to the number, for a single island, the Greek cities are many. For except Naxos and Katane, whom I hope will be added us on account of kinship with the Leontinoi, the others are seven, and they have prepared themselves in all ways very like to our own might, and not least are those against whom we mainly sail, Selinus and Syracuse. For many are the hoplites among them and also the archers and javelin-throwers, and many, too, are the triremes and the crowd that will fill them. And they have wealth, that held privately as well as what is in the Selintunine temples and also tribute is paid to Syracuse by certain barbarians ; in this way especially, they surpass our own, they have acquired many horses and and they make use of domestic grain, not imported.”

    Chapter 21

    “And so toward such a power there is a need not of naval prowess and a slight one as army alone but also to sail with a large infantry, if we truly wish to act worthy of our intent and not be shut out of the land by many knights, especially if the cities stand together terrified even, lest some allies arise and supply us in turn other than the Egestaioi by whom we shall be requited cavalry (it is a disgrace to be overpowered and depart, or to call for reinforcements after making ill-considered plans) ; from this spot by preparation sufficient to approach, knowing that we are about to sail far from our own and not campaigning in the same situation as when you went somewhere as allies among your subjects here, whence there were ready provisions from a friendly land when there was ever a need, but having removed ourselves for wholly foreign parts, from where for the four winter months a messenger does not easily come.”

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  • Thucydides’ History Book 2: The Funeral Oration

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    I fell a little behind in my translations. Chapter 39 may come at a later date but it’s really not likely.

    Chapter 40

    For we love the noble with thrift and we love knowledge without moral weakness ; and we make use of wealth more for opportunity of deed than for the clamour of word, and to be working poor is not to be acknowledged by anyone as shameful, but rather it is more shameful not to escape it by work ; in the same men, the care of domestic matters simultaneous with matters of state, and in others although betaking themselves toward works, they understand matters of state without defect ; for we alone believe that he who takes no share of any of these is not unworldly but useless, and we ourselves indeed either we decide upon matters rightly or at least deeply ponder them, we hold that arguments do no harm to deeds but rather, failing to learn more beforehand by argument prior to coming upon what must be done by deed. For we are different from this such that the same people are especially bold but also reflect upon that which we put our hand to try ; whereas for others, ignorance is courage and calculation bears hesitation. They might be righteously judged most powerful in spirit who recognizing both fearsome things and pleasurable most clearly, and due to this do not turn away from dangers.

    And we oppose most men concerning matters for the spirit, for we acquire our allies not by being treated well but rather by doing it. For he is more steadfast who has acted concerning favours owed, such that through good will for what he has given, he saves them ; but he who owes a favour is less keen1, knowing that he will pay back virtue not as a favour but as a debt. And we alone give any aid not by calculating profit more than by fearless trust of liberty.

    1. The Greek here is actually ἀμβλύτερος (ambluteros), a comparative form of ἀμβλύς, meaning dull, blunt, lacking a edge.

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  • Chronicles From the City Founding of Livius Titus, Book I

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    Chapter 20

    Numa establishes new priesthoods, and the office of the Pontifex Maximus.

    At that time, he turned his mind to appointing priests although he himself performed many more sacraments, especially those which now pertain to the flamen of Jupiter1. But since, in a state so bellicose, he calculated that there would be more kings like Romulus than Numa, they themselves going away to wars, so that they would not desert the sacraments of the regal office, he appointed a priest as an ever-attending flamen of Jupiter and adorned him with a distinctive vestment and regal chariot seat. To this he added two flamines, one for Mars, another for Quirinus2, he chose the maidens for Vesta3, a priestly office descended from Alba, the tribe of the founder, and thus scarcely foreign. To these, so that there would be ever-attending high-priestesses of the temple, he set a stipend from the public treasury ; by virginity and other observances he made them sacred and venerated. Likewise the Salii4, he chose twelve for Mars Gradivus, and gave the insignia of an embroidered tunic and over the tunic, a bronze covering for the breast ; and the heavenly arms, which are called the sacred shields, he bid them to carry and to go through the city singing songs with dances and ceremonial leaping. Then as pontifex, he chose Numa Marcius, son of Marcus, from the fathers and to him he delivered all the sacraments written out and recorded, by which sacrifices, upon which days, and at which temples they would be done, and whence money would be paid out to them as expenses. And all the remaining sacraments, both public and private he made subject to decree of the pontifex, so that he would be to whom the plebs would come for consulting, and so that none of the divine laws would be disturbed by neglecting ancestral rituals or by adopting foreign ; such that the pontifex likewise prescribed not just the heavenly observances, but the right funerary rites as well, and for placating the shades, and each portent sent by thunderbolt, or by any other sighting, was undertaken and dealt with. For eliciting these from the divine thoughts of Jupiter Elicius he dedicated an altar on the Aventine and consulted the god by auguries concerning which were to be undertaken.

    1. From Gould & Whitely: the flamen of Jupiter was “the chief… of fifteen flamines, or priests of particular divinities.
    2. Another name for Romulus.
    3. The Vestal Virgins, of course. Vesta was a goddess of the hearth and her maidens were tasked to care for a sacred fire, and keep it always burning.
    4. The Salii draw their name from the verb salire, to jump or leap, named for their ritual dances.

    Chapter 21

    Effect of Numa’s reforms on Rome and her neigbours ; success of his peaceful policy.

    Once the whole multitude were turned away from force and arms to consulting and procuring these sacraments, both their minds were occupied by accomplishing something, and also the ever-attending, abiding care of the gods, since the heavenly will seemed to be amidst human affairs, the breasts of all were imbued with piety such that faith and the sworn oath ruled the state instead of excessive fear of the laws and punishment. And when those very men modeled themselves on the character of the king, a unique example as it were, even the bordering people at the time, who formerly considered Rome a war-camp not a city, placed in their midst for the purpose of vexing the peace of all men, were led into respect for her, such that they thought it impious for an entire state turned toward the worship of the gods to be violated. There was a grove, the midst of which a spring watered from a dark cave, by its perennial water. Since Numa quite often brought himself here for the goddess without witnesses, for sessions as it were, he made this grove sacred to the Camenae, because their counsels with their spouse, Egeria, were here. And he instituted the rite of the Oath1 alone. He ordered that flamines be carried to this sanctuary in a covered chariot by a pair of horses, and that with the hand covered right to the fingers, they perform the divine function, signifying that an oath must be kept and that its abode is also sacred in the right hand2. He dedicated many other sacrifices and places for performing rites which the pontifex calls Argei. Yet the greatest of all his works was that by his keeping there was for the whole time of his reign scarcely less peace than reign. Thus two kings successively increased the state, each by a different way, one by war, the other by peace. Romulus reigned seven and thirty years, Numa three and forty. And by the arts of war and peace the state was not only powerful but disciplined.

    1. The word I’m translating as “oath” is the Latin, fides. Fides is one of those slippery words that can mean a lot of things, depending on the context. It is usually translated as “faith” or “trust” but it can be extended from that meaning to a number of different senses, such as here, “oath” or “pledge”.
    2. Oaths are made with the right hand. See Latinus to Aeneas in Chapter 1, or Hercules to Evander in Chapter 7.

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  • Thucydides’ History, Book 6

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    Chapter 18

    “Thus by saying what is it befitting that we shrink from it or by making excuses to our allies there, that we would not give aid? To these men, since we swore an oath together, we must give succour, and not rejoin that they have not done so for us. For it was not so that they might help us in turn over here, that we associated ourselves with them, but rather so that by being troublesome for our hated foes over there, they might prevent them from sending forth over here. Thus did we procure an empire, both ourselves and as many others as have ruled, by being ever and eagerly at hand, whether summoned by barbarians or by Hellenes, since if allies were all to be at rest or were to choose by race those whom they must give aid, then by gaining only trivial addition to our empire, we would, concerning that very thing, take more risk. For one defends against attacks, not only the most pressing, but also anticipates so that they do not attack at all. And it is not for us husband the extent to which we wish to rule, but rather there is a need, especially since we are set in this position, to plot against some, and not let others go (unpunished), due the existing risk that we ourselves would be ruled by others, if we would not ourselves rule the others. And peace is not to be considered on the same terms by us as others, unless you would also take their customs in exchange for the like.

    “And so reckoning that it would strengthen this here more, if we should go against those there, let us make the voyage so that we might lay low the pride of the Peloponessians, if it is seen that we scorn the peace in its present form and sail against Sicily ; and furthermore, either we shall, with the addition of those lands, in all likelihood rule the whole Hellas, or we shall despoil the Syracusians, in which case both ourselves and our allies are aided. But our ships furnish a steadfast thing, both to remain, should one prosper, and to depart ; for we shall have more sea-mastery than even the whole of the Sikeliots. Let not the love of ease of Nicias’s speech and his schism between the young and the older dissuade you, but in customary fashion, just as our fathers, as young men deliberating with the elder, raised this empire so high, endeavor now, in the same way as well, to lead the city forward, and believe that the youngest and old age, without each other, can accomplish nothing, and likewise that should something simple and something middling and something altogether precise be mixed together they would be especially strong, and if the city is tranquil it will be worn out concerning itself, just as any other thing, and will decay in the knowledge of all things, whereas ever striving to add experience to itself, will be more accustomed to defending itself not by word but rather by deed. I have altogether come to the conclusion that a city not inactive in worldly matters would very quickly, it seems to me, by a change to a love of such inactivity1 be utterly ruined, and that the most steadfast things of men dwell in those men who stand by their manners and customs, even if it should be worse, they would govern with the least discord.”

    1. The Greek pairs up a couple of wonderful words here. First of all, the adjective ἀπράγμων (apragmon), combines the alpha privative ἀ-, with indicates a lack or removal (a-theism, a-typical) and πρᾶγμα, meaning business, affair, or thing, and is frequently used to refer to public activity. So someone who is ἀπράγμων has withdrawn from the affairs of the world. Here, Alcibiades talks about how a city that is μὴ ἀπράγμονα, that is, not ἀπράγμων, might become ἀπραγμοσύνη. The –οσύνη tends to turn an adjective into a noun, like adding “-ness” in English (righteousness, goodness, happiness). For ἀπραγμοσύνη, the dictionaries I’ve looked at seem to want to translated as love or affinity for being ἀπράγμων. If someone knows a succinct way to express all this in English, I’d be glad to hear it.

    Chapter 19

    Thus did Alcibiades say ; and after the Athenians heard from that man and from the Egestaioi and from the Leontinoi fugitives, who, having come forward, were asking and were, by recalling the treaty, supplicating for aid for themselves, they were more eager by far than earlier to go to war. And Nicias, having come to understand that they would no longer be turned away by the same words, but by the amount of preparation, if he demanded a lot, they would quickly change their position, coming forward again, he said the following.

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  • Chronicles From the City Founding of Livius Titus, Book I

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    We pass over chapters 17 and 18. The Interregnum. Numa Pompilius, a Sabine, is elected king.

    Chapter 19

    Numa builds a temple to Janus. He claims to be guided by the goddess Egeria, and reforms the calendar.

    Numa1, who thus gained possession of the throne, since the new city was founded by force and by arms, prepared to found it anew by right and law and by custom2. Amidst wars, however, it seemed impossible to grow accustomed to these things—for naturally the soul is made savage by military service—he reckoned to soften a ferocious people by disuse of arms, he made a temple to Janus at lowest Argiletum, an indicator of war or peace, open while the state was in arms, closed it signified that all the surrounding peoples were pacified.—Twice afterward following the reign of Numa it was closed, once while T. Manlius was consul after the first Punic war ended, and again, which the gods gave to our age that we might witness, after the war of Actium when peace was won on land and sea by the Emperor Caesar Augustus.—With it closed, after the spirits of all neighbouring around were joined by treaties and alliance, once the cares of external threats were set aside, so that their minds would not become indulgent in leisure, which the fear of enemies and the discipline of military service had held in check, he reckoned that first of all, the most effective tool for the ignorant and rustic multitude in that age was instilling fear of the gods. Since this would be unable to sink into the spirit without some invention of miracle, he pretended that he had nocturnal sessions with the goddess Egeria3 ; that by her admonition he instituted rituals which were most acceptable to the gods, and his priests to each of the gods. And first of all, into twelve months, according to the courses of the moon, he divided the year ; which, since the moon did not fill thirty days for each month,  and was lacking six days from a full year, which is wheeled by the solar orb, he ordered thus by inserting intercalary months, so that for the twentieth year according to the same position of the sun whence they began, the days agreed with the full course of all the years. Likewise he made days fasti and nefasti4 since sometimes there was nothing useful expected to be done with the people.

    1. Livy doesn’t name Numa here, but carries the name by a pronoun from the previous chapter. Since the previous chapter has been left untranslated, it was necessary to insert the name of Numa.
    2. I inserted a causal sense and the verb “to be” (“since … was …”) to the first clause here in order to maintain the Latin order of the clauses and still have a sensical English sentence. The Latin looks more like, “He who thus gained possession of the throne, the new city founded by force and by arms, by right and law and by custom, he prepared to found it anew.”
    3. Along with the deceits indicated in Chapter 16, Livy strikes me as very cynical when it comes to use of divinity by civic figures. Yet he also quite devoutly believes in the gods and that the events of history unfold according to divine will. Someone should examine that dichotomy more closely.
    4. The lexicon at the back of Gould and Whiteley tells me that fasti days were “propitious for speech,” and nefasti were, “unpropitious for speech”. There was a lot more to them than this. Days were ceremonially divided by the Roman state into fasti and nefasti. Lewis & Short tells me that nefasti were those days “on which judgment could not be  pronounced or assemblies of the people be held,” or more succinctly were “inauspicious” Conversely, on fasti days, all those things could be done, and were considered auspicious.

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  • Thucydides’ History, Book 6

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    Chapter 17

    “And this, my youth and folly, although alleged to be contrary to nature, conversed by befitting arguments with the power of the Peloponessians, and, having furnished trust by my passion, persuaded them. And now do not fear it, but rather, while I am yet in my prime with this and Nicias seems to have luck on his side1, avail yourselves of the aid from each of us. And the voyage for Sicily, do not reconsider it, as if it were against a great power. For the cities are populated with commingled crowds and they readily have changes in the citizenry and reception of the new. And due to this no one equips anything as if for a domestic fatherland, either with respect to ‘round the body any armaments, nor with respect to that in the land, the customary assets ; but anything which each man, whether from persuading by the spoken word or by civil strife, thinks that he may take from the public treasury or, failing that, to colonize another land, this is what is prepared. And it is not likely that a crowd of this sort would heed a word as one mind, nor would they turn in common to any task ; but each man, should anyone speak according to his pleasure, would swiftly side with him, especially if they are in civil strife, just as we are informed. And hoplites, surely they do not have so many as are boasted, nor have the other Hellenes turned out to be so many, as many as they each themselves reckoned, but rather having deceived the most in this regard, the Hellas was in fact scarcely sufficiently readied for this war. Thus those affairs there, from which I have by my ear perceived, such as they are are even yet most easily gotten (for we will find many barbarians who, for hatred of the Syracusians, will join with us attacking them) and the affairs here will not be a hindrance, if you are counseled straight. For our fathers, although they had those same men, the very men of whom they now speak as enemies left behind should we sail, and over and above those the Medes, a hated foe, they procured an empire, and not in any other way than by an abundance of naval prowess were they mighty. And presently, the Peloponnesians were never more without hope regarding us til now, and even if they are perfectly strong, for assaulting our lands, even if we don’t sail away, they would be a match, but they would not be able to harm us by naval prowess, for even a remainder of our naval prowess is a tough match.” 

    1. I want to point out how amusing I found this contrast. Alcibiades claims he himself is persuasive and brilliant, in the prime of his youth, and Nicias (who was a seasoned and successful general), well, he seems to have gotten lucky.

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  • Thucydides’ History Book 2: The Funeral Oration

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    Chapter 37

    For we observe a form of government that does not vie with the customs of any nearby, being more a paradigm for some than imitating others. And by name, because the governing is not for the few but rather for the many, it is called democracy1 ; but equality has a share in the whole, both according to laws for disputed individual interests, but also according to merit, so that each man in the way he is distinguished, not from his lotteried service but rather from virtue is given greater preference for public office, and further, not according to his poverty, while having any good to do the city, has he been hindered by obscurity from worthy honour. And we freely take part in governance of affairs both for the common weal but also for the suspicion toward each other of pursuits against our own interest, nor hold against our neighbour, should he act according to his pleasure, any anger, nor do we—while it is harmless, it is nevertheless a burden—show our vexation on our faces. But although we conduct private business without offense, concerning public business we especially do not transgress the law through fear, in obedience, both of those ever who are in power and also of the laws, especially those whichsoever are laid down for assistance of the wronged and whichsoever, although they are unwritten, carry undisputed shame.

    Chapter 38

    And furthermore we procured the greatest respite for the mind from our toils, customarily holding contests and sacrifices throughout the year, and suitable private establishments, the day by day enjoyment of which drives out sorrow. And coming in alongside these, due to the greatness of the city, are all things from all lands, and it so happens that the good things that occur here bear us fruit with no enjoyment in the more domestic than those from other men, too.

    1. Democracy, in Greek, δημοκρατία (demokratia) is derived from δῆμος, “the people”, and κρατέω, “to be strong; have control”.

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  • Chronicles From the City Founding of Livius Titus, Book I

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    metaphrastes

    We pass over Chapters 13, 14 and most of 15. The Sabine women intervene between the two armies. Origin of the Quirites, the Thirty Curiae, and the Three Centuriae. Death of Tatius and war with the Fidenates. Defeat of Veientines.

    Chapter 15

    Popularity of Romulus among his soldiers.

    6. These things in general, with Romulus ruling as king, were done at home and in war, of which nothing was believed incompatible with faith in a divine origin and divinity after death, not the spirit by recuperating in ancestral reign, not the plan of founding the city nor of strengthening it by war or peace. For by the strength given by this man, it flourished such that in the forty years afterward peace held secure. To the multitudes, however, he was more pleasing than the fathers, and much before any others, the most well-received in the minds of soldiers ; and he had three-hundred armed men for the custody of his person, whom he called Celeres, not only in war but also in peace.

    Chapter 16

    Mysterious vanishing of Romulus, who is believed by some to have joined the gods in Heaven.

    With these immortal works accomplished, while he held an assembly for reviewing the army on the plain facing the marsh of Capra, a storm suddenly broke with a great crash and thunder and a cloud so thick it covered the king, such that it robbed sight from his assembly ; and Romulus was not thereafter present in the land. The Romen soldiery, once their panic was finally calmed, after  a serene and tranquil light returned from such a stormy day, saw there the royal seat vacant, and although they sufficiently trusted the fathers who were standing closest that he was abducted aloft by the storm, nevertheless just as of bereavement, although stricken by fear, they kept a sorrowful silence for some time. Afterward, following deeds done by a few in the beginning, the entirety hailed Romulus as born a god by a god, the king and parent of the city of Rome ; they implore for peace by entreaties, that he, willing and propitious, ever protect his progeny. I trust that there were then also certain silent people who would argue that the king was torn to pieces by the hands of the fathers ; for this story also spread, but is very obscure ; admiration of the man and the immediate panic made the former story famous. And also, by the counsel of one man, failth is said to be added to the affair. For Proculus Julius, with the state distracted by the loss of the king and hostile toward the fathers, being a weighty authority, so tradition holds, on any matter however great, came forward to the assembly. “Quirites!” he said, “Romulus, parent of this city, at today’s first light descended suddenly from the sky and met with me. Although bathed by terror and full of awe I stood before him, beseeching by entreaties that it be right by god law to behold him face to face, ‘Go and announce to the Romans,’ he said, ‘that the heavenly bodies wish that my Rome be head of whole world ; accordingly let them cultivate and understand warfare and and thus let them transmit to posterity that no human power can withstand the Roman army.’ Having spoken thus,” he said, “he departed aloft.” It is wondrous how much faith there was in this man announcing this, and how the loss of Romulus among the plebs and the army would be soothed by a faith fashioned of immortality.

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