Tag: herodotus

  • Thus ends Tales From Herodotus

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    The previous post marked the last of the stories from Farnell & Goff’s heavily abridged Tales From Herodotus. Although it is quite short, I’m nevertheless pleased that I got all the way through it. And the timing is good—classes start in a week. In between then and now, I have a few Latin passages that I received from the McMaster Museum of Art to translate, so those will be going up. And I had been considering finishing off the Herodotus portion of this blog with a translation from a more complete Herodotus, so that will go up, too, time permitting. After that, it’s up in the air. My studies, μέν1, will involve a good deal of translation, so I may continue to post translations here as I work through them. They may, δέ, be so time-consuming that posting them as I go won’t be feasible. We shall see.

    1. μέν … δέ, a very common set of Greek particles used to pair off two related statements. Sometimes translated as, “on the one hand … and on the other”, but commonly elided altogether.


  • Tales From Herodotus XX. The Power of Custom

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    An Aghori sadhu of India, drinks from a skull cup.

    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    Every single person believes that their customs are by far the most noble. And it is possible to surmise this by many other proofs, but particularly by the following.

    Darius, when he was king, called some Hellenes, and asked for how much wealth they would be willing to eat their fathers after they died; and they said they would not do this thing for anything. After that, Darius called those of the Indians called the Callatiae, who did eat their parents, and he asked (in the presence of the Hellenes who understood what they said through an interpreter) what wealth would they accept to burn their fathers by fire after they met their end; and they shouted loudly, demanding that he say nothing so ill omened.


  • Tales From Herodotus XIX. Scythian Prophets

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    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    (a) How they attribute any illness of the king to the perjury of one of his subjects, who is accordingly beheaded.

    The prophets of the Scythians are many, who prophesy with many willow sticks as follows: they would bring a large bundle of sticks, and putting them on the ground, they untie them, and putting the sticks upon one another, they prognosticate. And while they say these things, they gather the sticks back up and, one by one, they put them together again. This prophetic art is hereditary among them.

    Whenever the king of the Scythians becomes sick, he sends for three men, the most well-regarded of the prophets, who prophesy in the manner described. And these men most usually say this, that someone has sworn falsely by the royal hearths, naming whomever of the townsmen they would name. (It is a custom for the Scythians to swear by the royal hearths any time they wished to swear a most solemn oath.) Immediately, that man whom they say had sworn falsely is seized and led to them. And once he arrives, the prophets charge that it was revealed by a prophecy that he swore falsely by the royal hearths, and the king is in pain due to this. But he denies it, saying that he did not swear falsely, and he complains terribly.

    When this man complains terribly, the king sends for twice as many other prophets; and should those men, after looking into the prophetic art, also convict him of swearing falsely, the first group of the prophets cut off that man’s head at once and they distribute his wealth by lot. But if those prophets who came acquit him, other prophets are brought there, and more again. If, then, the majority acquit the man, it is decreed that those first of the prophets themselves be killed.

    (b) How the prophets themselves are put to death when mistaken.

    And they do indeed kill them, in the following manner. After they fill a small cart with firewood and yoke it to an ox, the prophets, fettered and gagged and with their hands bound behind them, are confined at the center of the firewood. And after they set fire to it they frighten the ox to send it off. Many oxen, therefore, are burned up with the prophets, but many, after burning all around, escape when their wagon pole burns up.

    They burn prophets in the manner described for other reasons, too, by calling it false prophecy. And whomever the king would kill, he did not leave their children either, but rather, while he would not harm the females, he would kill all the males.


  • Tales From Herodotus XVIII. Curiosities of Arabia

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    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    (a) The spices of Arabia and the methods by which they are gathered.

    In Arabia alone of all lands, there grows frankincense, myrrh, cinnamon, and ladanum. The Arabians procure all these things with difficulty, except myrrh.

    Frankincense, anyway, they collect by burning storax; for winged snakes, small in size and spotted in appearance, guard these incense-bearing trees, a great crowd around each tree. They are driven away from the trees by nothing other than the smoke of the storax.

    The Arabians procure cassia like this: after they bind their whole body and face with hides and other skins, except their eyes, they go to the cassia. It is grown in a shallow marsh, and of course, winged wild animals encamp around this place and within it, very much resembling bats. It makes a fiendish shriek, and its physical strength is strong. These must be warded off from the eyes after gathering the cassia.

    Their collection of cinnamon is still more amazing than this. For where it arises and what earth nourishes it, they are not able to say, but they say that great birds bear the twigs which we call cinnamon, as we learned it from the Phoenicians. The birds bear these to their nests, built from mud on precipitous mountains, where there is no approach for any man. And so, the Arabians devise things as follows. They cut the limbs of cows and donkeys and other beasts of burden, as large as possible, and they carry them to those spots. And after placing them near the nests, they get far away from them.  The birds fly down and bring the limbs of the beasts of burden up to their nests. But those nests unable to bear the weight fall down to the earth; and going to them, they collect the cinnamon.

    (b) Unusual size of the tails of Arabian sheep.

    They have two kinds of sheep worthy of amazement, which exist nowhere else. For one of them has a long tail, not less than three cubits1, which if one were to allow it to drag behind them, would have sores, since the tails would be rubbed away by the earth. But every single shepherd there is acquainted with carpentry to this point; for they make little carts and bind them to the tails. The other kind of sheep possesses wide tails, even up to a cubit in width.

    1. A cubit is a little over twenty inches. Three cubits are a little over five feet.


  • Tales From Herodotus XVII. How Gold is Procured in India from Ant-hills

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    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    In the land of the Indians there is a wasteland on account of the sand. And in this wasted and sandy region there are giant ants that are smaller than dogs but larger than foxes. Some of them are even with the king of the Persians, there to be hunted. And so when these ants make a home under the earth, they bore up sand just as do ants in the Hellas, and these ants are the very similar in appearance. But the sand that is brought up contains gold; and the Indians are sent into the wasteland for this sand. Each man yokes three camels, a male led by a rope on each side to pull, and a female in the middle. It is upon this one that he mounts, having taken care that he took her away in the yoke from her infancy, as young as possible, for camels are no lesser than horses in speed, and they are much more able to bear a burden besides.

    And so the Indians, using means such as this, and this sort of yoke, ride for the gold, having calculated just when, with the heat at its hottest, they will go for their plunder. For due to the heat, the ants are unseen under the earth. So whenever the Indians come to the land, they carry small bags, and after filling these with the sand, they quickly run back; for the ants immediately smell them, so it is said by the Persians, and once aware, they pursue. And in speed, they are like no other, so much so that unless the Indians get a head start, none of them would get away safely. And now the male camels, for they run more slowly than the females, are loosed when they drag behind, but not both at the same time.  And the females, remembering the offspring they left behind, surrender no sign of flagging.


  • Tales From Herodotus XVI. The Battle of Salamis, 480 B.C.

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    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    Farnell and Goff provide a synopsis of the events to this point:

    [Ten years after the defeat of the Persians at Marathon in 490 B.C. Xerxes, who came to the throne in 485, executed another invasion of Greece on an enormous scale by both land and sea. His land forces marched down the northern coasts of the Aegean Sea and down into Greece by way of Thessaly, while the fleet accompanied them as closely as possible along the coast. No real opposition was encountered until they came to the Pass of Thermopylae, where the Spartans made a heroic stand. But the Spartans were betrayed and cut to pieces, and the Persians were thus able to overrun Boeotia and Attica without opposition.

    Simultaneously with the fighting at Thermopylae, naval engagements had taken place at near-by Artemisium, where the Greek fleet had first taken up its position. Although the result of these battles was indecisive, the Greeks nevertheless determined to retire southward, mainly on account of the defeat of their land forces at Thermopylae. The island of Salamis was chosen as their next station, chiefly to enable the Athenian fleet to transport their families and moveable property to that place of refuge. Meanwhile the Persian army occupied Athens and captured the Acropolis, where a few defenders had made a stand, while the fleet followed the Greek navy and took up a position opposite it off the coast of Attica. At this point the text begins.]

    (a) On hearing of the capture of Athens, the Greek naval commanders, seized with panic, determine to abandon their position at Salamis and retire to the Isthmus of Corinth. An Athenian points out to Themistocles the fatal consequences that this would involve to the whole Greek cause.

    The Hellenes1 in Salamis, when it was reported to them how things were around the Acropolis of Athens, came to great tumult such that some of the generals fell upon their ships and raised the sails to run away; and it was decided by those of them left behind to fight the sea-battle before the Isthmus2. And when night came, they scattered from the assembly and boarded their ships.

    Thereupon, when Themistocles arrived aboard his ship, Mnesiphilus, an Athenian man, asked what had been planned. And when he learned from him that it was resolved to lead the ships to the Isthmus and do sea-battle before the Peloponnese, he said, “These men, if they really do remove their ships from Salamis, then they will no longer be fighting a sea-battle for the fatherland of anyone; for each shall betake himself to his own city, and neither Eurybiades nor any other man shall be able to restrain them; and Hellas shall be destroyed by a lack of good counsel. But if there exists any contrivance, then go and try to confound what has been planned, if you might somehow be able to persuade Eurybiades to change his plans, such that he remains here.”

    1. The Greeks referred to themselves as Hellenes, and Greece as Hellas.
    2. That is, to sail away to Corinth.

    (b) Urged by Themistocles, Eurybiades recalls the meeting and Themistocles presents the plan of action.

    The advice was indeed very pleasing to Themistocles, and without making any reply to this, he went to the ship of Eurybiades. And when he arrived he said that he wished to converse with him on some common matter; and he bid him to board his ship and speak, if he so wished.

    Thereupon Themistocles sat beside him and related in detail all that heard from Mnesiphilus, adding much else besides, until  he persuaded him to disembark from his ship and to gather the generals for an assembly.

    When they were finally gathered, before Eurybiades laid out the story for which he had brought generals together, Themistocles said much, by urgent need. But the Corinthian general, Adeimantus, spoke over him, saying, “Themistocles, in contests, those who start too soon are beaten.”

    And he defended himself, saying, “But those left behind are not crowned.”

    (c) Speech of Themistocles of the advantages of remaining at Salamis.

    And having replied gently to the Corinthian, he said to Eurybiades the following:

    “It is in your hands to save Hellas if, by obeying me, you remain and have the sea-battle here, but not if you again set sail the ships for the Isthmus. For by joining battle first, in the strait, with few ships against many, if all likelihoods from the conflict come out, we shall much prevail. For battling at sea in the strait is to our advantage, but in the open sea is to theirs. And further, Salamis shall escape, where our women and children have been kept safe by us. And moreover, whether remaining here or before the Isthmus, you will likewise fight a sea-battle for the Peloponnese, but you should not lead them to the Peloponnese, at least if you are sensible. And if that which I hope occurs and we win by our ships, neither shall the barbarians be there at the Isthmus against you, nor shall they proceed beyond Attica; and they will depart in disarray.”

    (d) Attacked by Adeimantus, Themistocles declares, as a conclusive argument in favour of staying at Salamis, that otherwise the whole Athenian fleet and people will sail off and found a new home for themselves in Italy. Eurybiades and the rest are thus persuaded to remain.

    After Themistocles said these things, The Corinthian Adeimantus again bore upon him, ordering him to be silent for whom there was no fatherland, and not permitting Eurybiades to allow a man without a country to vote. (He said this because Athens had been captured was held.)

    Then at last Themistocles said that that man and the Corinthians were many wicked things, and he made clear by his remarks that they had both a city and more land than those men, as long as they had two-hundred ships manned to sail; for he said that none of the Hellenes could fend them off if they attacked.

    And indicating this, he passed over his remarks to Eurybiades, saying more earnestly, “If you remain here, by remaining you will be a good man, —but if not, then you shall overthrow Hellas. Obey me instead; but if you don’t do this then we, as we are, will take up the members of our households and we shall betake ourselves to Siris in Italy (the very place which has been ours since antiquity, and even the oracles say that it must be occupied by us); and you, left bereft of such allies, you will remember my words.”

    And when Themistocles said that, Eurybiades was won over; for abandoned by the Athenians, the rest would no longer be a match for battle. He chose this opinion for himself, to engage in a sea-battle to the end.

    (e) Alarmed at the proximity of the Persian fleet, the resolution of the Greeks is again shaken. Themistocles, however, compels them to stay by a stratagem : he secretly sends a messenger to the Persians, feigning treachery, and persuades them to cut off the retreat of the Greek fleet during the night.

    The Persians brought their ships up to Salamis and those appointed to their positions were arrayed at their leisure; and they made preparations for a sea-battle the next day. Fear and horror gripped the Hellenes, fearing not so much for themselves as for the Peloponnese, and a meeting was again held, and some said that it was necessary to sail away to the Peloponnese and run the risk concerning those men, but not to remain to fight for a land already captured, but the Athenians and the Aeginetans and the Megarians felt they must stay there and defend themselves.

    Thereupon Themistocles, when his plan was defeated by the Peloponnesians, slipped out of the assembly unnoticed and sent a man by boat to the camp of the Medes, having ordered what he must say, whose name was Sikinnos, a man from his household and the pedagogue of his children. And when he arrived he said this to the barbarian generals, “A general of the Athenians sent me without the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for it happens that he wishes more for your fortunes to come out ahead than for those of the Hellenes), saying that the Hellenes are very afraid and they are planning flight; and now it is possible for you to carry out the finest of all deeds, if you do not look aside while they escape; for they do not agree with each other and they shall not stand against you, and you shall see those who are fighting a sea-battle on your side against themselves, and those who are not.”

    And once he had indicated this to them he got out of the way; and when what was reported to them was confirmed, once midnight came they led up the western flank, encircling Salamis, and held the entire strait as far as Munychia with their ships. They led up their ships for this reason, so that there would be no opportunity for the Hellenes to flee, but instead, cut off in Salamis, they might pay3 for some of the combats at Artemisium.

    3. The Greek here actually uses δίδωμι (didomi): “give, offer”. That is, the Persians would have revenge for losses suffered at Artemisium.

    (f) The Persian movements are reported to Themistocles by Aristeides.

    Amongst the generals in Salamis there arose a great shouting match4; but they did not yet know that the barbarian ships encircled them. While the generals were arguing, Aristeides son of Lysimachus crossed Aegina, he being an Athenian man ostracized by his demos, whom I have come to believe, by inquiry of his character, was the best and most just man in Athens.

    This man, stood at the assembly and called out Themistocles, although he was no friend to him, but indeed a hated enemy. But because of the greatness of the present misfortune he set aside their differences5 and called him out, wishing to converse with him. He had heard beforehand that those from the Peloponnese were hastening to take their ships to the Isthmus.

    When Themosticles came out, Aristeides said this, “We must have our quarrel at a more opportune moment, particularly in this, concerning which of us shall work more good for the fatherland. So then, I say that it makes no difference to say much or little about sailing away from this place. For I have seen for myself, and I say that now, whether the Corinthians wish it or Eurybiades himself, they will not be able to sail away. For we are completely surrounded by our enemies. Instead, go in and make this clear to them.”

    4. I love the Greek idiom here, ὠθισμὸς λόγων πολύς (othismos logon polus): “much wrestling of words”.
    5. The Greek idiom here is λήθην ἐκείνων ποιούμενος (lethen ekeinov poioumenos): “making a forgetfulness of those (things)”.

    (g) At Themistocles’ request, Aristeides announces the news in person to the council; but they remain incredulous until the report is confirmed by some deserters.

    He replied to this, “You advise a very useful course and declare it well; for you have come bearing witness to the very thing which I needed to happen.  Know this, that the doings of the Medes are due to me; since the Hellenes did not willingly wish to take their place in battle, it was necessary to bring them over unwillingly. And you, especially since you have come reporting such useful news, you must announce it to them yourself. For if I say these things, I shall seem to be saying something I made up. But when you reveal it, if they are persuaded, this would be the finest thing; but if this is not made credible to them, it shall be the same for us, anyway; for they have not yet escaped, if indeed we are surrounded on all sides, as you say.”

    And when Aristeides came to them he said these things, saying that he came from Aegina, that he had difficulty sailing through the blockade unnoticed, since the whole Hellenic camp was surrounded by the ships of Xerxes. And after he said these things, he departed. And there arose a dispute of the news; for most of the generals did not believe what was announced. But although they disbelieved, a trireme of Tenian men arrived, deserters, which a man led, one Panaetius son of Sosimenes, who brought the whole truth.

    (h) How the battle began.

    Once what had been said was credible to the Hellenes, they made preparations to have a sea-battle. Thereupon the Hellenes led all their ships forward, and the barbarians fell upon those going ahead. Some other Hellenes upon the stern backed water and ran their ships aground; but Ameinias the Pallenian, an Athenian man, set sail his ship and charged. And this story is told, that a phantom woman appeared, and when she appeared, she exhorted such that the entire camp of the Hellenes heard her, and she reproached that first ship as follows, “Oh wretched men, how long shall you back water on the stern?”

    (i) Total defeat of the Persian navy.

    The Phoenicians were arrayed against the Hellenes (for these men held Eleusis and the west flank), and against the Lacedaemonians6, the Ionians; for those men held the area toward the east and also the Peiraeus.

    The majority of the ships in Salamis were ravaged, some destroyed by the Athenians, others by the Aeginetans. Once the Hellenes engaged the sea-battle in an orderly manner, according to their positions, and the barbarians were no longer as they had been positioned, nor doing anything according to any plan7, such was destined to come off for them just as it actually turned out. And yet, on that day, they were better by far than they had been by Euboea8, when everyone was so zealous and fearing Xerxes, and each man seemed to see the king himself.

    6. The Spartans.
    7. The Greek idiom here is σὺν νῷ (sun no): “with mind”. I might have use “mindfully” but that doesn’t really convey the sense of panicked activity that I think is intended here.
    8. That is, at the battle at Artemisium.

    (j) Losses of the Persians in ships and men.

    In that struggle the general Ariabignes son of Darius died, brother of Xerxes, and many others died, too, including some famed among the Persians and the Medes and their other allies, but only some few of the Hellenes. For any who knew how to swim, swam across to Salamis if their ships were destroyed. But many of the barbarians were destroyed in the sea, for not knowing how to swim. And when the first ships turned to flight, thereupon most were destroyed. For those positioned at the rear attempted to advance toward the ships at the front so they might too show off some deed to the king himself, and they collided with the ships in flight.

    And when the barbarians turned in flight and sailed away to Phalerum, the Aeginetans, lying in wait at the strait displayed a deed worthy of story; for the while Athenians, in the tumult, ravaged both those of the ships that resisted and those that took flight, the Aeginetans did those that sailed away; thus whenever any escaped the Athenians, they fell into the hands of the Aeginetans. And the barbarians whose fleeing ships were superior came to Phalerum under protection of the infantry army.


  • Tales From Herodotus XV. Exploration of Africa

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    The world according to Herodotus.

    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    B. The Ethiopians

    §1. Cambyses, king of Persia, sends men to spy on the Ethiopians, in preparation for an expedition against them; description of the so-called ‘table of the sun.’

    Cambyses once planned an expedition against the long-lived Ethiopians,* who dwelled by the southern sea. But first he decided to send out spies, to see whether the Table of the Sun, as it was called among the Ethiopians, was real, and to examine some other things in addition to that, under the pretense of bearing gifts for their king.

    The Table of the Sun is said to be a thing such as follows. There is a meadow in a suburb full of the boiled meat of every quadruped, upon which those in power place the meats during the night, and during the day whoever wishes may go to it and feast. And the natives say that the earth itself yields this each day.

    Such is the so-called Table of the Sun said to be. And when Cambyses decided to send spies, he at once sent for certain men of the Fish-eaters, from the city of Elephantine, who were acquainted with the Ethiopian tongue. And when they had arrived, he sent them to the Ethiopians, having ordered what they must say, bearing gifts of a purple garment, a necklace of twisted gold, bracelets, a phial of perfume, and a cask of palm wine.

    These Ethiopians are said to be the largest and most beautiful of all men. They are different from other men in their customs and in other ways, but in particular as follows, with regard to their king. Whomever of the townsmen they determine to be the largest and to have strength commiserate with his size, this man they deem worthy to become king.

    And so, when the Fish-eaters came to these men, they gave the gifts to their king, and said this, “Cambyses, king of the Persians, because he desires to become your friend and bound to you by ties of hospitality**, sent us out to you, bidding us to enter into discourse, and he gives to you these gifts, in the use of which he himself takes pleasure.”

    But the Ethiopian understood that they had come as spies, and he said this to them, “The king of the Persians did not send you bearing gifts because he desires to become bound to me by ties of hospitality**, nor do you speak true (for you have come as spies of my dominion), nor is that man righteous; for if he were righteous, he would not have coveted lands other than his own, nor would he have taken into slavery men by whom no-one has been wronged. And now give this bow to him, and say the following words, ‘The king of the Ethiopians advises the king of the Persians to campaign against the long-lived Ethiopians at that time when the Persians just as easily draw bows that are as large as this; until that time be grateful to the gods, who do not turn Ethiopian minds to acquiring other earth in addition to their own.’”

    He said this as he unstrung a bow and handed it over to those listening.

    * Farnell & Goff note here: “a mythical tribe.”

    ** This translates ξένος, a difficult word to translate into English. It can mean guest, host, friend, or foreigner, and it’s usually translated as one of those, depending on the context. Really it means all of those things in the sense that I have translated it, and over time became a polite way to refer to any stranger. I chose to translate it this way to make clear its sense of creating a formal, mutual bond between the two kings (however insincere.)

    §2. The Ethiopian king despises the dyed garment, the perfume, and the gold ornaments presented to him by the Persians, but is delighted with their wine, which he declares to be the redeeming feature of the Persian diet.

    And taking the purple garment, he asked what it was for and how it had been made; and when the Fish-eaters told him the truth about purple and dying, he said the men were false, and their garments were false. Second, he asked about the gold necklace and about the bracelets. When the Fish-eaters explained, the king laughed, believing that they were fetters, and he said that among them fetters were stronger than these. Third, he asked about the perfume. When they told about its making and about anointing, he expressed the same thought as concerning the garment. But when he came to the wine and was informed of its making, the king was very delighted by the drink, and he inquired as to what the Persians ate and how much was the longest time that a Persian man might live. They said they ate bread, explaining the nature of wheat, and that eighty years is the longest measure of life set before a man. To this, the Ethiopian said that no-one should be surprised that people who eat manure live so few years; for neither would he say that they would be able to live even as long as that, unless they restored themselves by drink (referring to the wine); for in this alone they considered themselves defeated by the Persians.

    §3. Long life of the Ethiopians; their diet and the miraculous power of a certain fountain.

    And when the Fish-eaters asked the king in turn about lifespan and diet, he said that most of them arrived at one and one hundred years, but that some surpassed even this, and that their food was boiled meat and their drink milk. And when the spies expressed amazement concerning the years, he led them to a spring from which those who were washed were made luminous, just as if it were a spring of oil, and scented from it as if it were of violets. But the water of this fountain was weak, indeed the spies said it was a thing such that nothing would be able to sail upon it, neither wood, nor anything even lighter than wood, and everything else would sink to the bottom. But through this water, if it is truly of the sort it is said to be, they would be long-lived who used it for everything.

    When they departed from the spring, the king led them to the prison, where everyone was bound in fetters of gold. For copper was, among the Ethiopians, the rarest and most valuable thing of all. And after they had seen the prison, they saw the so-called Table of the Sun. And once they had seen everything, they departed back.

    §4. Frenzied and disastrous expedition of Cambyses against the Ethiopians.

    When the spies reported back, Cambyses immediately became angry and campaigned against the Ethiopians, and he neither ordered any preparation of supplies, nor did he give it any thought that he was about to campaign at the very edges of the earth. For when he had heard the Fish-eaters, he was enraged and out of his mind, and he campaigned, leading all the infantry at the same time. And before the army had passed through a fifth part of the way, they had suddenly run out of supplies, and after the supplies, he ran out the beasts of burden, for they were eaten. And if Cambyses, when he had learned this, had now changed his mind and had led his army back, after the earliest occurrence of a mistake, he would have been a wise man. But now, making no consideration, he pressed ever onward. And the soldiers survived by eating grass, for as long as there was any to be taken from the earth. But when they came to sand, some of them did a fiendish thing; for they chose one out of every ten of them by lot and ate him.

    When Cambyses was informed of this, fearing cannibalism, he abandoned the expedition against the Ethiopians and proceeded back, and he arrived at Thebes, having destroyed most of his army.


  • Tales From Herodotus XV. Exploration of Africa

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    A Roman painting of pygmy hunters, from Pompeii.

    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    A. The Pygmies and the Source of the Nile

    The Nile is known only as far as four months of sail and road beyond the flow in Egypt. It flows from the west and the setting sun.  And beyond that, no-one can speak of it with certainty; for that land is a waste, because of its heat. But I have heard he following from some men, Cyrenaeans who said that they went to a shrine of Ammon and came there into discourse* with Etearchus, king of the Ammonians; and how from other topics* they came to a discussion concerning the Nile, that no-one knew its source. But Etearchus said that some Nasamonean men once came to him, who said, when they were asked if they had more to say concerning the wilderness of Libya, that there were among them some unruly children born of powerful men, who, when they became men, contrived a number of excesses, one in particular being to choose by lot five of their number that would go see the wilderness of Libya. For along the northern sea of Libya, from Egypt up to the peak of Soloeis, which is the end of Libya, there dwell the Libyans and many tribes of the Libyans, except whatever the Greeks and the Phoenicians hold. And beyond this, Libya teems with wild beasts, and beyond the wild beasts there is sand, fiendishly dry, an empty wasteland.

    And so the youths, so the Nasamoneans say, sent out by their fellows, well stocked with water and provisions, went through the inhabited places first; and when they had gone through them, they came upon the beastlands, and from there they went through to the wasteland, making their way against the westerly wind. And having gone through much sandy land for many days, they saw at last trees growing in a plain and they went to it and touched the fruit that was on the trees. And small men came toward those who touched the fruit, smaller than average men, who took them and led them through a very large marsh, and having gone through it, they arrived at a city in which everyone was, with respect to size, like those who led them, and black of skin. A great river flowed to the city, and it flowed from the west toward the rising sun, and crocodiles could be seen in it.

    And so let the story** of Etearchus the Ammonian be set forth by me only to this point, except to say that they returned home and they told the Nasamoneans, or so the Cyrenaeans say, and the men to whom they had come were all wizards. And Etearchus surmised that this river was indeed the Nile.

    * Both “discourse” and “topics” use different senses of the Greek word, λόγος. Wherever I reasonably could, I have been trying to maintain the word repetition that is present in the Greek. (This is why Tale XI.B used the word, “mutilate,” so often.) I have no doubt that my translation is lacking in many ways, but where I can perceive it, I want to preserve the feel of the Greek, without going so far as to make the English ridiculous. In this case, however, given the enormous flexibility of λόγος, it simply didn’t seem possible.

    ** Another use of λόγος.


  • Tales From Herodotus XIV. Two Stories of the Alcmaeonid Family

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    Translated from Tales From Herodotus.

    (a) How Alcmaeon was enriched by Croesus.

    The Alcmaeonids were both ancient and illustrious amongst the Athenians, from Alcmaeon and again from Megacles they became very illustrious. For Alcmaeon became an assistant to the Lydians of Sardis, who arrived from Croesus, and he used to help them eagerly. When Croesus learned of this, he summoned him to Sardis. Upon his arrival, he was presented with this much gold, as much as he could possibly carry away on his own person at one time.

    So Alcmaeon wore a large tunic, and left a deep fold in the tunic, and he put on high boots that were the widest he found, and he went to the treasury.

    First he fell upon a heap of gold-dust, and he stuffed in beside his shins as much gold as his boots could hold, and then he filled the entire fold of his tunic with gold, and he sprinkled some of the dust in the hair of his head, and after he took the rest in his mouth, he came out of the treasury, dragging his boots with difficulty, resembling anything more than a person; for his mouth had been stuffed full and his whole body was swollen, and a fit of laughter struck Croesus when he saw him, and he gave all of that to him, and another share no lesser besides.

    (b) How Megacles, son of Alcmaeon, was chosen by Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, as the best match in all Greece for his daughter.

    To Cleisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, a daughter was born, named Agariste. And he wished to find the best man of all the Greeks and give this girl as wife to that man. Therefore, during the Olympics, when Cleisthenes won the chariot races in them, he made this public announcement, “Whoever of the Greeks would think himself worthy to become the son-in-law of Cleisthenes, come to Sicyon, and Cleisthenes shall decide the marriage within a year.”

    Thenceforth, whosoever of among Greeks who were swollen with pride in themselves and in their fatherland were coming and going as suitors. From Athens, came Megacles son of Alcmaeon, who had come to Croesus, and also Hippocleides son of Tisander, who surpassed the other Athenians in wealth and looks. First, Cleisthenes made thorough inquiries of those who arrived, about their fatherlands and the family of each man; and then, keeping them with him for a year, he made trial of their manhood, their temperament, their education, and their character; and at the same time he hosted them magnificently.

    And indeed, I suppose, they who came from Athens were the most pleasing of the suitors; and Hippocleides son of Tisander more than them. And when the appointed day arrived for the wedding celebration, Cleisthenes sacrificed every cow and feasted them well, both the suitors and all the Sicyonians. And when they had dined, the suitors held a contest of song and dance; and with the drink running free, Hippocleides, much outdoing the others, bid the piper pipe a dancing-song for him, and when the piper obeyed, he danced.

    And he danced in a way pleasing to himself. Cleisthenes watched the whole thing, and regarded it with disfavor. And afterward, Hippocleides bid someone to bring in a table, and when the table came in, first he danced the Spartan and the Attica figures upon it, and then he pressed his head upon the table, and gesticulated with his legs. And when he first started dancing, although Cleisthenes, because of the dancing and the shameless behaviour, came to hate the thought that Hippocleides might become his son-in-law, he restrained himself, not wanting a quarrel to break out with him; but when he saw him gesticulating with his legs, he could no longer restrain himself, and he said, “Son of Tisander, you have certainly danced away* the wedding.” And Hippocleides responded, saying, “This is of no concern to Hippocleides.”

    So Cleisthenes demanded silence and the space said this, “Men, suitors of my daughter, I praise you all, and I would please you all, if it were possible, neither selecting a chosen one of you, nor rejecting the rest. It is, however, not possible, when it comes to a single maden, to act according to the wishes of everyone, and so to those of you excluded from this wedding, I give you a talent of silver as a gift, but to Megacles son of Alcmaeon, I betroth my child, Agariste.

    * the verb here is  ἀπορχεόμαι (aporchoumai), I dance a thing away, i. e. I lose by dancing. Seriously! And hey, is it just me, or is this guy breakdancing?


  • Translation Blues

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    Sometimes even a simple phrase can give me grief, such as the following:

    ὁ δὲ Ἀλκμαίων ἐνδὺς χιτῶνα μέγαν καὶ κόλπον βαθὺν καταλιπόμενος τοῦ χιτῶνος

    translated very literally, this reads

    and Alcmaeon having worn a tunic great and fold deep having left behind of the tunic

    My guess here is that καταλείπω takes a genitive (τοῦ χιτῶνος), since verbs of leaving often take a genitive of separation. So my best stab at a meaningful English translation is this,

    and Alcmaeon cast aside his tunic and put on a large and deeply folded tunic

    This follows after Croesus gave Alcmaeon big pile of gold (as much as he could carry), so a “large, deeply folded tunic” is probably likewise a reward, right? Such a tunic, I presume, uses much more material, requires more complex stitching, and is a sign of wealth and prestige. But I really want to double-check this, because it comes off so clunky. Also, there’s no possessive associated with the second mention of the tunic, and nothing, really, to differentiate it from the first mention of a tunic, nor any clear indication of which participle occurred first (ἐνδὺς and καταλιπόμενος are both aorist, indicating simple action–as opposed to continuing action– or action that occurred prior to the main verb). In fact, since ἐνδὺς occurs first in the sentence, there is a suggestion that it has chronological priority. Perhaps, somehow, both participles refer to the same tunic? How have other translators dealt with this passage? For this I generally turn to the free translation available at the Perseus website (shout out to http://www.perseus.tufts.edu which is simply indispensible.)

    This story is taken from Herodotus’ Histories Book 6, section 125. Herodotus’ Greek is almost identical to the Atticized and abridged Greek of Farnell & Goff:

    ὁ δὲ Ἀλκμέων … ἐνδὺς κιθῶνα μέγαν καὶ κόλπον βαθὺν καταλιπόμενος τοῦ κιθῶνος

    The available translation of it, however, departs from mine:

    Alcmeon … donned a wide tunic, leaving a deep fold in it

    Woah! Here, I think that Farnell & Goff have led me astray a little, in two ways. First, they elided Herodotus’ digression, which helps explain Alcmaeon’s behavior, (roughly translated)

    Alcmaeon, considering that the gift was of this sort [i.e. as much as he could carry], employed preparations as follows:

    Second, their vocabulary list translates καταλείπω as, “leave behind, leave over,” neither of which fit very well in this context. I must however cast some blame upon myself. The text shortly following this line translates as

    he went to the treasury

    which, if I had put it together with the statement that he was given as much gold as he could carry, would have cleared it up for me. There is a lesson here about getting stuck on a tricky phrase and wasting time on it. Often, of the best solution is to press on and uncover the whole context of the passage. Sorting out the true meaning of the tricky parts can often be made much simpler that way.

    Ultimately I choose to translate the phrase like this,

    and Alcmaeon wore a large tunic, and left a deep fold in the tunic